What could be the possible outcomes of the move and its implications for the political lay of the land? If the move succeeds and the Assembly chooses a successor, the Assembly could survive until the March Senate elections and the general elections around July-August. If no successor is chosen, fears are being expressed of the Assembly being dissolved. That would of course put the cat among the pigeons since the Senate elections would be disrupted and, quite possibly, set in motion a rolling process of the dissolution of other provincial Assemblies that would pose questions about the general elections. Of course there is nothing to prevent the National and provincial Assembly elections being held on separate days. But this new uncertainty in the country's most troubled province could possibly spread to the rest of the country. How that may impact the general elections schedule is not known. Political turmoil in Balochistan and its possible impact on the rest of the country could disrupt the preparations of the Election Commission of Pakistan to hold the general elections according to the constitutional schedule. The resort to the 1998 census as the basis for holding general elections is beset with its own set of problems, including the need for a constitutional amendment and possible legal challenges to any such proposal. There appear therefore to be a lot of balls in the air with few answers.
Although Mir Abdul Quddus Bizenjo, the central figure reportedly in the no-confidence move, denied any 'hidden powers' were behind the gambit, it is difficult to ignore the fact that Balochistan's crisis could be the beginning of a process to deny the ruling PML-N the advantages of the impending Senate and general elections, in both of which they remain the front runners despite their troubles. If Assembly dissolutions render the Senate and general elections uncertain, the outcome could be a technocratic government of longer duration, an idea with some takers here and there.